Issue 19: January 3, 2022
In this issue...
We're covering the damage caused by disparities in global vaccine distribution, the crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan, and continued controversy over Turkey's handling of the 4 million refugees it hosts. We're also covering the ongoing refugee crisis in Cameroon and significant displacement that climate change causes in India.
Disparities in Global Vaccine Distribution Endanger Low-Income Countries, Perpetuate Pandemic
By Jade Xiao
As wealthier countries have already begun administering a third “booster” shot to combat new COVID-19 variants, most of the population in low-income countries has been left unvaccinated and entirely unprotected against the virus.
Demand for the COVID-19 vaccine is understandably high all over the world. As of December 24, 2021, over 9 billion vaccine doses have been used around the globe, according to data from the ONE Campaign, a nonprofit organization focused on fighting preventable disease.
High-income countries, such as the United States, United Kingdom, and France, gained access to COVID-19 vaccines and were able to administer doses as early as December 2020. According to reports from the ONE Campaign, 69.6 percent of the adult population in high-income countries and 69.7 percent of the adult population in upper middle-income countries are currently fully vaccinated. The adult population in these countries is only 19 percent of the world’s adult population, yet these countries have purchased 54 percent of the available COVID-19 doses.
Low-income countries face significant challenges in obtaining an adequate number of vaccine doses. Only 2.7 billion doses have been administered in lower middle-income countries and only 75.1 million doses have been administered in low-income countries, according to data from the ONE campaign. As a result, only 4.1 percent of the population of low-income countries is fully vaccinated.
The unequal distribution of vaccines has fatal consequences for people from low-income countries. Without the protection of vaccines, the mortality and transmission rate of COVID-19 will be much higher in poorer countries. Higher transmission also may lead to continued travel restrictions, which limit opportunities for work and decrease productivity. Moreover, an increase in deaths could spell disaster for the economic prosperity of countries dependent on a large labor force, and could destabilize households. In addition to deaths directly caused by COVID-19, people in countries without sufficient vaccine access may face devastating socioeconomic consequences.
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A variety of factors contribute to the extreme disparity in vaccine distribution. Most vaccine research and production facilities are located in high-income countries. The price of the COVID-19 vaccine is also much higher than other common vaccines, as high-income countries have pushed the priced higher to secure large amounts due to the competitive demand. New variants such as the Delta Variant and the Omicron Variant also encouraged wealthier countries to hoard vaccines for third and even fourth doses for their own populations.
Global leaders, governments, and NGOs have been working to better distribute vaccines to low-income countries. The World Health Organization (WHO) and the COVAX Facility created the Access to COVID-19 Tools Accelerator to increase distribution of COVID-19 vaccines, tests and other healthcare materials. UN reports reveal that COVAX has distributed over 40 million doses to 100 countries, but that number still falls short of the goal of 100 million.
The WHO and associated organizations are also planning to build vaccine production factories in low-income regions, with an objective of 3 mRNA facilities in Rwanda, Senegal and South Africa, and 2 others in the African continent. Many high-income countries have pledged to aid and redistribute vaccines, but the extent of the redistribution is unclear.
In a UN report, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director General of the World Trade Organization (WTO), stated that “we must find a way to share [the vaccines],” despite the obstacles and political conflicts. The extreme inequality in global vaccine distribution is, as Okonjo-Iweala declared, “morally unconscionable,” and it is critical to provide equal access to all to effectively rebuild and recover from the pandemic.
Modern-Day Apartheid Under an Autocratic Government: Sudan Darfur Genocide
By Harrison Huang
The Darfur region, located in west Republic of Sudan on the Teiga Plateau and Marrah Mountains, is home to more than 36 ethnic groups. Over the course of the last decade, however, Sudanese head of state Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir organized frequent government-sponsored attacks on civilians, air raids and local Janjaweed militias as instruments of ethnic cleansing.
Starting out as a peaceful protest against the alleged government’s disregard of non-Arab population in west Sudan, the rebels under the names of JEM (Justice and Equality Movement) and SLA (Sudan’s Liberation Army) took arms against Omar al-Bashir’s government in a series of confrontations that culminated in the temporary Sudan Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement on May 5, 2006.
The agreement outlined guidelines for power sharing, security, and policy-making. Dr. Magzoub Al-Khalifa, on behalf of the Sudanese government, signed the peace agreement along with signatories from the SLA, African Union, and representatives of Europe and the United States. The Sudanese government acknowledged and confirmed its obligations to equal protection of non-Arabs, including national social and economic policies that ensure adult suffrage, right to representation in government, living conditions, and wealth and property equalization.
Yet social and political repercussions of the genocide were devastating: over two million Sudanese were displaced as a result of violence, starvation, and disease up until the ceasefire. Elise Keppler, associate director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch, commenting at the proceedings of the International Criminal Court on al-Bashir, said, “[The government] have had no accountability for widespread horrific crimes committed across Darfur. They’ve waited more than 15 years to seek any move towards justice.”
The Sudanese government was repeatedly absent from meetings with AMIS (African Union Mission in Sudan) and the UNSC (United Nations Security Council). These absences occurred because the Sudanese government sought to replace African Union and United Nations peacekeeping operations by sending government troops to the Darfur region, despite being warned of the potential humanitarian consequences.
Nevertheless, conflict has reappeared in the form of intermittent attacks on Darfur villages neighboring Chad. Despite the fact that the International Criminal Court tried Omar al-Bashir and issued an arrest warrant for him twice, charged him with five counts of crimes against humanity, two counts of war crimes and three counts of genocide, he was reelected as president through government manipulations and won a landslide of 94.5 percent of popular votes in the 2015 general election. Al-Bashir subsequently beat down civilian provocations for independence in South and West Sudan through military action and the holding of civilians as captives, altogether forcibly displacing more than 500,000 refugees now seeking asylum in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda.
Deposing al-Bashir necessitated the cooperation of IMF and Sudanese citizens in the face of a worsening economic situation. The shortages of food, combined with significant inflation in the advent of the issuing of a new currency, stirred up discontent among civilians in dire need of food and shelter.
Government forces quelled public demonstrations through violence, shooting dead at least 70 protestors in 2019, including pregnant women and minors. In the infamous government-led mass slaughter known as the June 3 massacre or Khartoum massacre, government security forces opened fire at hospitals and private estates, killing more than 128 people and injuring over 650 unarmed civilians.
Violence and internal displacement are at a relatively low level right now as the government takes a somewhat democratic turn, starting with the removal of al-Bashir from office thanks to UN peacekeeping forces and humanitarian activist support. The near 30-year-long autocratic government has dissolved, but the aftermath of the Darfur apartheid and genocide—persecution of religious minorities, South Sudanese diaspora, economic recession, and a fear of tyranny making a comeback—shrouds the vulnerable non-Arab population. About 2.7 million people, categorized by the UN as vulnerable residents, are hit hardest by food insecurity ensuing from the economic crisis. Unpredictable weather, prolonged rainy seasons and pest infestation led to stagnation in agricultural production, cutting a crucial food source relied on across Darfur and Eastern Chad.
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian As the Darfur region undergoes reparations according to the newly signed Juba Peace Agreement of 2020, the OCHA Affairs highlighted that about 6.2 million refugees will be in need of humanitarian assistance in the coming year.
In order to fight against mass atrocities and genocide, the Save Darfur Coalition emerged as an organization of several advocacy groups that express genocide concerns and build resistance amid humanitarian crises. The Genocide Intervention Network, one of its branches, is available for voicing thoughts to elected public officials to promote public awareness of genocide. There will also be more news releases from the UNHCR Sudan Office on repatriation and resettlement efforts on Darfur refugees.
As New Year Begins, Turkey Continues to Host More Refugees than Any Other Country in the World
By Nick Costantino
According to the World Bank, Turkey hosts four million refugees–more than any other country in the world. These huge numbers of refugees are due, in large part, to an agreement between Turkey and the European Union (EU) through which the EU pays Turkey huge sums of Euros for Turkey to keep refugees in-country by any means necessary. Because it hosts such a large number of refugees under such diplomatic pressure, Turkey plays a huge role in the global dynamics of the refugee crisis.
Turkey, in order to maintain its agreement with the EU, has left many of its refugees in dire conditions, such as overcrowding and a lack of access to essential resources. In fact, often, the agreement exploits refugees for the benefit of Turkey and the EU. Turkey’s goal to keep refugees within its own borders disincentivizes free movement of Turkey-hosted refugees. The European Union’s hesitancy to admit refugees has led many of its nations to implement restrictive migration policies that endanger refugees, especially those crossing the Mediterranean sea. For example, some such policies curtail search-and-rescue missions, restrict aid groups, and close ports to emergency rescue vessels.
The vast majority of the refugee population within Turkey is Syrian due to the Syrian civil war and Syria’s close proximity to Turkey; 3.6 million Syrians live in Turkey currently. Another significant demographic of Turkey-hosted refugees is Afghanis. 300,000 Afghan refugees currently live in Turkey because of the recent Taliban takeover of Afghanistan.
However, the hosting of these refugees has led to great controversy within Turkey. Many have called on Turkish President Erdogan to send Syrian refugees back to their homeland and have warned him against allowing more Afghan refugees to enter the country. Others, however, feel differently. For example, in a town called Kilis (which closely borders Syria), the cultural blending and acceptance of Syrians have stayed intact. There, schools continue to welcome Syrians, and different restaurants from a variety of cultures have opened. According to a New York Times report, Syrians have transformed Kilis by renovating buildings, opening small shops and businesses, and greatly expanding the food diversity at markets.
The Kurds, an ethnic minority in the region, many of whom are refugees, have experienced great Turkish oppression for decades. The Turkish government has imprisoned over 500,000 Kurdish activists and killed 30,000 Kurdish civilians since 1984, according to data reported by Human Rights Pulse, an organization that spreads awareness about human rights issues. Turkey has even begun targeting Kurds outside its own borders; Turkey launched an airstrike earlier this year on the Makhmour refugee camp in Iraq, where roughly 12,000 Kurdish refugees reside, killing three people.
Despite these clear human rights violations, the United Nations and the U.S. still support Turkey in its plans to dissolve the Makhmour camp in Iraq and send all its inhabitants back to Turkey, where violence against the Kurds will almost certainly increase. President Erdogan continually threatens to ethnically cleanse the refugee camp, an action which suggests an egregious violation of international law and a humanitarian catastrophe.
As refugee populations only increase and the Turkish system becomes more strained, Turkey and the European Union will have to reevaluate how to manage the crisis.
Climate Change Destroys Indian Coastlines, Displaces Millions
By Luisfe Medina
In recent years, climate change has greatly damaged the Republic of India. Tropical storms, cyclones, and other environmental disasters that climate change exacerbates displaced approximately 3.9 million Indians in 2020 alone, according to data from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center. Vast coastal erosion has also affected India due to quickly rising sea levels. Some islands, such as the Sundarbans, are vanishing entirely. With such enormous challenges today and potential danger in the future, it is no surprise that India ranks among the top ten countries most vulnerable to climate change in the Global Climate Risk Index.
India’s coastlines, home to about 170 million people, are quickly eroding or being flooded by rising seas. In total, India lost an astonishing 235 square kilometers of land between 1990 and 2016. However, whilst rising sea levels pose the threat of erosion, natural disasters have been the main cause of displacement in India. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center, the combination of rising seas and more powerful natural disasters displaced 3.6 million Indians between 2008-2018. Out of that number, a majority were displaced due to increasingly threatening floods caused by monsoons in South Asia. Yet, even the monsoons have not been the biggest culprits for climate change-caused Indian displacement; in May 2020, Cyclone Amphan, the strongest recorded storm ever, hit the Bay of Bengal in India, forcing the displacement of millions of Indians.
If climate change remains on its destructive path, India will suffer even greater devastation in the future. India’s 7,500 square kilometers of coastal area are at high risk of erosion. Frighteningly, scientists predict that roughly 36 million Indians could face chronic flooding by 2100. Major coastal cities including Mumbai, Chennai, and Kolkata are some of the locations at high risk of severe chronic flooding in the near future. The worsening environmental dangers facing areas such as these will undoubtedly displace huge quantities of people.
Many of those who have been displaced have remained within the country. The Sundarbans, for example, was hit by four cyclones in 2 years, and many people living in the region had to find new homes elsewhere in the country. Nonetheless, the Indian government has instituted very few national policies to address the growing displacement issues, and there is no legislation whatsoever to address slow-onset displacement (displacement caused by gradual sea level rise) in the nation thus far. Furthermore, climate displaced people gain little recognition from the United Nations, as climate refugees do not have official refugee status under United Nations policies.
With no proper plan by either the United Nations or the Indian government, India remains unprepared to tackle its climate-related humanitarian issues. To help climate refugees, please consider donating to https://www.climate-refugees.org/ and, for those affected by natural disasters, consider donating to the UNHCR.
Cameroonian Refugee Crisis Worsens as Violence Against Civilians Increases
By Julie Chen
Attacks against civilians in Cameroon by armed separatist groups, government security forces, and Boko Haram have contributed to an increase in Cameroonian asylum seekers in Nigeria.
According to a report by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the number of Cameroonian refugees in Nigeria passed the 70,000 mark this month. Almost 80 percent of these refugees are women and children.
“This is not just a number. There are people behind these numbers—mothers, fathers, brothers, and sisters, people just like you and I—that have been forced to flee their homes to seek safety and save their lives,” said Chansa Kapaya, the UNHCR’s Country Representative for Nigeria.
Cameroon’s official languages are French and English, making it a bilingual country with an Anglophone region and a Francophone counterpart. Since 2017, the Anglophone population has been marginalized by the larger 80 percent of the French-speaking region, and have expressed their grievances through peaceful protests. In October 2017, the Cameroon government violently repressed these demonstrations, using weapons on the protesting civilians and further antagonizing the Anglophones. The English-speaking north-west and south-west regions responded to this violence by forming armed separatist groups that were determined to succeed from Cameroon and establish the independent nation of Ambazonia.
According to senior associate at the National Democratic Institute of Central and West Africa Chris Fomunyoh, “Everytime the armed groups attacked the military and someone in uniform was killed, then the military [went] into that vicinity or that neighborhood in pursuit of the [separatists] and [mowed] down civilians.”
Though conflict between armed separatist groups and government security forces has reduced in recent years, both groups have contributed to an increase in attacks against Cameroonian civilians.
Since January 2021, separatists have used explosive devices in at least 27 attacks in Anglophone regions, according to data collected by the United Nations and the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) Project. On February 13, 2021, separatists kidnapped 30 civilians, killing three village leaders. In January 2021, the Cameroonian government’s military forces assaulted Mautu village in the Anglophone south-west region, and nine civilians were killed, reported Human Rights Watch.
Both the separatists and security forces have particularly targeted schools, inflicting injuries on young students. From October and December of 2020, there were 35 attacks on schools, according to the United Nations (UN)’s records. The government security forces carried out five of the attacks, and separtist groups inflicted 30 of them. Al Jazeera, an international news channel based in the Middle East, provided an internal report that mentioned that these assaults involved the “killing, torture and abduction of students and teachers, as well as arson of education facilities.”
Esther Njomo, a human rights advocate from the Southwest region of Cameroon, said to Al Jazeera that separatist attacks against civilians and aid workers have intensified, and “the [conflict] dynamics keep changing everyday.”
Boko Haram, a terrorist organization active in Nigeria, Chad, Niger, and northern Cameroon, also contributes to the massive displacement of Cameroonians. Boko Haram has violated human rights by committing sexual violence, forced recruitment, and suicide bombings, uprooting the region’s civilians. The militant group has displaced nearly 2.4 million people as of December 31, 2020, according to data collected by UNHCR.
According to reports by the UNHCR, Cameroonians fleeing to Nigeria have stayed in public schools, health facilities, or with local families. However, schools are now unable to accommodate the influx of refugee children, and food, shelter, and health assistance is lacking.
Many humanitarian workers disagreed with the Borno State’s decision, including Anietie Ewang, a Nigerian researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The current process of relocation and camp closures falls far short of what is legally and morally required to protect and assist internally displaced persons,” Ewang said. “The authorities should suspend the current process and invest in collective efforts with relevant stakeholders to ensure sustainable, dignified, and durable solutions for those affected.”